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Open Forum
Fourth Quarter 2002
The
Enculturation of Traditional Schools:
The Significance to World
Culture
Edward
R. Howe
The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University
of Toronto
In a world of highly varied
cultures, the rapid convergence to a common set of forms of
formal schooling is remarkable. It is commonly asserted that
these forms of formal schooling have embedded within them the
cultural assumptions of Western Europe and North America,
where they were invented, and thus create major learning
problems when transferred to cultures with differing
assumptions and understandings. However, this is not
necessarily so, as can be seen in the development of schooling
in East Asia, Latin America and elsewhere. While the
enculturation of traditional schooling has been a prevailing
Westernization of indigenous cultures, there remain pockets of
hope in nations that have managed to break the mold. Japan and
the Tigers of the East illustrate the possibility of adopting
only the educational processes that can be assimilated
effectively into their own cultures. Also, the new schools
found in Latin America and other regions provide viable
alternatives to the Western traditional schools. There remain
significant lessons for the West to learn from these cases.
Throughout
time, civilizations have asked questions and sought answers in a
search for knowledge, yet the history of what constitutes formal
comparisons of education systems goes back less than 200 years.
Since the early 1800s and the establishment of nationwide
schooling in European countries, educators have traveled abroad
seeking to discover educational practices to adopt (Thomas,
1990, p. 1). As a result, German universities became an
international model emulated in Europe and North America while
British primary and secondary schools became a model for the
U.S. and Japan. Learning has always been an essential part of
any society. However, what constitutes knowledge is
traditionally culturally determined and remains embedded within
larger social contexts. Hall (1985) states, “schools are
extensions of the societies of which they are a part” (p.168).
While local culture has historically played an important role in
shaping education, increasingly globalization threatens the
cultural heritage and sovereignty of nations. In a world of
highly varied nations, it is remarkable to note the many
similarities between education systems and the rapid convergence
to a common formal schooling. Yet, these forms of schools
incorporate cultural assumptions of Western Europe and North
America, where they were invented and thus often create major
learning problems when transferred to different cultures.
However, this has not been the case in several Eastern Asian
nations who have successfully imported lessons from abroad while
maintaining their cultural heritage. Comparative education will
thus continue to feature prominently in the development (whether
for good or bad) of education systems around the world.
Education, Colonialism and Development
Aid
While comparative international and
development education and the borrowing of ideas from abroad
have led to remarkable educational enlightenment throughout the
world, this has not occurred without a dark side. The
colonialism of the past as well as the development aid of
UNESCO, The World Bank and The Canadian International
Development Agency (CIDA) have in some cases done more harm than
good.
The
foundations for the growth of the development idea were firmly
laid during the last several hundred years of colonial
education. It has been held in place by the history of the
colonial relationships between the major European countries and
rest of the world, the newer neocolonial relationships that
emerged after the “granting” of independence to the former
colonies, and the creation of new forms of fiscal dependency of
poor countries on the major international lending agencies. (Masemann,
1999, p. 121).
The relationship between the forms of
knowledge developed during colonial expansions in many countries
and the subsequent spread of formal schooling in the last 150
years have major implications for the field of comparative
education. Postcolonialism and the pervasive structural
functionalist notion of education perceived as a means of social
development continue to underscore development, resulting in
cultural hegemony and ethnocentrism. “The result has been the
increasing homogenization of the culture of education on a
worldwide scale, with the accompanying assumption by educators
that there is only one valid epistemology (Masemann, 1999, p.
126). And yet, the consequences of these development policies
were identified by comparative educators as early as the 1960s
when much of the development was in full swing. Noah and
Eckstein (1998) acknowledged this in their retrospective look at
three decades of comparative education:
Ethnocentrism is an obvious source of
bias in comparative education: inevitably investigators view
foreign societies through a selective and distorting screen
interposed by their cultural experience. But there is a vastly
more important source of bias embedded in the whole field of
comparative education and, indeed, in the social sciences in
general. This entire edifice of knowledge is part of the
intellectual achievement of the Western world during the past
two centuries and reflects the secularism, liberalism, and
humanism of the modern Western tradition. (p. 20)
Educational Implications of
Globalization
Head’s (1991) case studies of El
Salvador and Ethiopia highlight several important lessons to be
learned and implications for the future of development
education: (1) Forceful imposition of foreign and ideological
inspired political systems upon a society is morally
reprehensible; (2) poverty-driven desperation has led to
environmental degradation and to ever increasing human and
physical despoliation; (3) those outside powers that introduced
ideology or weaponry into these countries must bear some of the
responsibility to restore order and the terrain. As developing
countries increase their dependence on the North for training,
spare parts, modernization, and financing a frightening rise in
military spending has also occurred. In recent years over 25
developing countries have spent more on military activities then
on health and education combined (Head, p. 172). Governments of
the South are often unable to provide even basic social services
of health and education, especially to rural areas. This
encourages people to migrate to the cities for a chance at a
better life and improved opportunities. Yet the infrastructure
is not in place to accommodate these new urban dwellers. This in
turn can lead to international instability with serious
consequences beyond the scope of education.
Recently, globalization and increased
competition have contributed to the enculturation of schooling.
As the borders between nations become more permeable due to
increased travel and study abroad and through free trade
agreements, economic unions and the emergence of multi-national
conglomerates, there is a push from governments for education to
‘internationalize’ in order to keep up with our rapidly changing
world. The recent advances in communication technology have
ushered in a new information age requiring extremely well
trained and skilled populations of workers. Countries that do
not keep up will be left behind and so education becomes a
marketable international commodity in the new millennium.
However, once again there are cultural considerations and
serious implications for developing nations. Frequently, foreign
graduates have difficulty returning home as the advanced
training they received abroad may not be easily assimilated into
their less well-developed economies (Altbach, 1992, p. 43).
Also, this can result in a ‘brain drain’ as graduates frequently
decide to stay in the country where they received their training
rather than returning home. Sending students abroad worked well
for some nations in the late 1800s. However, what worked in the
industrial revolution will not necessarily work as effectively
in today’s information technology revolution due predominantly
to the rapid rise in production in Industrialized nations. Head
(1991) states, “As the developing countries’ share of world
population grew, their share of production dropped from 44
percent in 1800 to 19 percent in 1900. In 1980 production share
had risen to 21 percent but the population share was 75 percent”
(p.131). Primarily due to overpopulation, challenges to
contemporary developing countries’ governments of the South are
much greater compared to the challenges that faced the North
during the industrial revolution. Nevertheless, more developed
nations should continue to send educators to less developed
countries. On the other hand, foreign students should be
encouraged to study abroad. It is important to realize that
educational exchanges are for the most part positive, provided
one culture does not impose its values on another. Or as Hall
(1985) states, “no society and no culture should force its
educational system on another” (p. 168).
Education and the Politics of
Development
A one-size fits all mentality is not
suitable for the transplanting of education systems from one
donor nation to another recipient nation. In the past, much of
the funding and assistance came with specific conditions
requiring the developing nations to adhere to strict guidelines
pertaining to school structure and fiscal management.
Development projects encourage the adoption of Western
democratic political institutions, legal systems, fiscal
policies, market economies and social values. While aid is
humanitarian– development is essentially political and far more
controversial. Canada’s aid programs have more to do with
diplomatic strategy than with helping impoverished peoples. CIDA
is in one sense an international public relations campaign for
Canada that seriously neglects basic human needs (Scowen, 1997).
Often autocratic decisions have been made by policy-makers
without consultations with the parties concerned. While there
have been some success stories, the effects of the blunders have
been enormous. For example, African countries came into
independence with high expectations for education as a means for
national development, community improvement and social mobility,
however despite efforts from CIDA, UNESCO and others, an
education crisis rooted in poverty remains.
In much of Africa, the rate of
education expansion could not be sustained. Facilities
deteriorated, worn-out textbooks were not replaced, libraries
had few books, laboratories had little equipment, and gross
enrollment ratios stagnated or declined. Measures of education
quality, school efficiency, and teacher and learner satisfaction
showed similar distress.... African countries turned
increasingly to foreign funding.... With the funding came ideas
and values, advice and directives... their direct and indirect
influence on policy and programs was often substantial. (Samoff,
1999, pp. 426–427)
The Cultural Context of Knowledge and
Education
In addition to development education
lessons, Africa holds important clues to the cultural context of
knowledge and education. Deng’s (1985) study of the Dinka,
the largest ethnic group in the Sudan provides a fascinating
look at how another culture understands knowledge and education.
While literate societies house knowledge in libraries and
archives, preliterate societies pass knowledge down from person
to person. Thus, they perceive knowledge and learning as
something embodied in the human being and his experiences.
While most of the Third World
remains preliterate, modern education has not only cut off the
younger generation from the knowledge and teaching methods of
their elders, but has made them disparage those very elders who
are in effect their parents and towards whom all cultures,
traditional or modern, religious or secular, advocate filial
piety and reverence. (Deng, 1985, p. 106)
Cultural assimilation along with a
loss of identity, alienation, and systematic discrimination and
in some cases even worse consequences, have beset aboriginal
populations.
Education in the Local and Global
Context
Canada’s residential schools for
native Indians provide an excellent example of what can happen
to one culture when another tries to inculcate their education
system. To this day, there are aboriginal workers in British
Columbia public schools trying to ensure that native Indians
remain in school. It would appear the system still discriminates
and segregates these students to some extent as the parents are
considered ‘damaged goods’ or products of the systemic
annihilation of their culture from the government policies of
the past. Another salient example can be found in Deyhle’s
(1986) study of Navajo and Anglo students’ perceptions of
testing. The Navajo students had very different conceptions of
knowledge, school and tests. These are culturally determined and
thus must be taken into account. “Most educational research now
recognizes cultural differences as a source of academic failure
among minority children” (Deyhle, p. 386).
Internationally, common
characteristics of schools and classrooms include similar age
groupings, numbers of students, teacher to student ratios,
teaching materials, standardized curricula, exams and the job
descriptions of teachers. The very notion of a school
consisting of students enrolled in grades and going to classes
where the adult teacher is responsible for disseminating
knowledge is so commonplace that it is rarely questioned as it
is assumed to be the norm in most modern nations. Yet this not
the case in some societies where students of various ages gather
in places other than schools; peers teach rather than adults;
and learning is far more experiential without the need for
classrooms, standardized curricula, exams and formal school
practices. Examples of these new schools can be found in
Colombia, Chile, Bangladesh, and Egypt.
They depend for their success not on
the ability and willingness of teachers to “follow orders” from
on high, but rather on stimulating and unleashing the creative
energy, enthusiasm, and personal practical knowledge of
teachers.... They tried to break down the boundaries between
formal and nonformal education and to focus less on teaching and
more on learning. (Farrell, 1999, p. 171)
The Eastern Asian Alternative
While
human resource development of many nations has merely
constituted a hegemonic process of assimilation to the ideal
schools of the West, several Eastern Asian countries have
successfully remained politically independent and have survived
in the face of Western dominance. Cummings (1997) proposed a ‘J
Model’ for human resource development in Eastern Asia that
challenged the predominant Westernization model. The Eastern
Asian approach is labeled the J Model in recognition of the fact
that Japan was the chief initiator and diffuser. In addition to
Japan– Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, and
Indonesia are all developing distinctive approaches to
development that contrasts with the Western model (Cummings, p.
275). Therefore, while problems have occurred when Western forms
of schooling were transferred to cultures with differing
assumptions and understandings, Japan and the other Eastern
Asian nations offer another perspective.
Japan is one of the few nations to
have successfully borrowed from abroad while maintaining a
unique cultural identity. Since the Meiji restoration in 1868,
Japan has increasingly looked beyond her shores for ideas and
more efficient ways of accomplishing things. The Japanese are
remarkable in the way they have been able to take good ideas
from abroad, perfect and adapt them for their own purposes,
while maintaining their culture and traditions. Education is a
prime example of this. By learning Western methods of production
and adapting the Western model of capitalism to suit their
culture, Japan evolved from a feudal state to a modern
industrial nation in a short period of time. Emperor Meiji
understood that in order for Japan to be competitive in the
post-industrial world, the country would have to learn to be
modern. He sent scholars to Europe, North America and Asia to
study the education systems of other countries. Japan opened its
doors to the rest of the world for the first time in the history
of the nation. This proved to be the single most important
factor influencing Japanese education (Howe, 2000, p. 15).
In summary, while the enculturation of
traditional schooling has been a prevailing Westernization of
indigenous cultures, there remain pockets of hope in nations
that have managed to break the mold. Japan and the Tigers of the
East illustrate the possibility of adopting only the educational
processes that can be assimilated effectively into their own
cultures. Also, the new schools found in Latin America and other
regions provide viable alternatives to the Western traditional
schools. There remain significant lessons for the West to learn
from these cases. However, as Thomas Rohlen puts it in the film
Making the Grade in Japan comparative studies may offer a
mirror rather than a model.
References
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Reference citation:
Howe, E. (2002
Fourth Quarter).
The enculturation of traditional schools- the significance to
world culture.
In
Focus Journal, Open Forum,
Retrieved Month day, year, from
http://www.escotet.org/infocus/forum/howe.htm
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