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Open Forum
Fourth Quarter 2002
Women’s education in the
different Egyptian feminist discourses of veil
in late 19th and through the 20th century
Hanan El-Halawany
Pittsburgh University
In this paper I am advocating
the first section of Sangari’s (1999) definition that
“feminist agency consists of the organized initiatives of
women and men committed to gender justice within an
egalitarian framework: this definition excluded women
committed to a right-wing politics with its accompanying set
of permissions to 'other' women and men from different
religions” while I dispute her exclusion of any activist with
a religious or even ideological agenda from the feminist list.
To sustain my argument I review different Egyptian feminist
discourses that took place in late 19th and through
20th century Egypt. In the course of this
discussion, I would like to rectify the misconception of
classifying feminists with Islamic agenda as anti-feminist
while commemorating those with Western ideology as the sincere
feminists.
Sangari
(1999) argues that “feminist agency consists of the organized
initiatives of women and men committed to gender justice within
an egalitarian framework: this definition excluded women
committed to a right-wing politics with its accompanying set of
permissions to 'other' women and men from different religions” (Sangari,
1999). In this paper I’m advocating the first
section of Sangari’s definition while I dispute her exclusion of
any activist with a religious or even ideological agenda from
the feminist list. To sustain my argument I review differnt
Egyptian feminist discourses that took place in late 19th
and through 20th century Egypt. In the course of this
discussion, I would like to rectify the misconception of
classifying feminists with Islamic agenda as anti-feminist while
commemorating those with Western ideology as the sincere
feminists. In my argument veil- Islamic costume- represents the
locus upon which both Western and Islamic feminists developed
their projects of women’s emancipation in both the time of the
British colonization and after independence. My argument will be
elaborated within three discourses formulated the debate of
women’s issues in Egypt at that time. These discourses are
“Orientalism” (Said, 1978), “Nationalisms” (Amin, 1995) (Chatterjee, 1990), and Modern Islamists (Nasif, 1910). Within these different discourses tradition
and modernity, harems and freedom, veiling and unveiling become
the familiar terms by which feminist discourse in Islamic
countries in general and in Egypt in specific is constructed
(Abu-Lughod, 2001). From a broader point of view, Badran (1995)
attributes the evolvement of different feminist discourses in
Egypt to "the awareness of constraints placed upon women because
of their gender and attempts to remove these constraints and to
evolve a more equitable gender system involving new [gender
roles] for women and new relations between men and women" (Badran,
1995, p.91).
Orientalism and Egyptian
feminism
Nineteenth century Egypt witnessed
the rise of modern state, expanding capitalism, fuller
incorporation into European dominated world market system,
secularization, technological innovation, and urbanization.
These forces changed the lives of Egyptians across lines of
class and gender. Egypt also witnessed a change in social
conditions, as the decline of the harem and other cultural
consequences associated with the expansion of capitalism and
Egypt emergence into the modern globe (Badran, 1995). These new social and cultural conditions
shaped the intellectual realm as the ideological battle between
the Islamic reformers or “modernist” and the conservative
thinkers blew up. Around the mid 19th century women’s
issues called for special attention and discussion. Religious
modern thinkers, who were after all the society’s most prominent
intellectuals, first posed the problem as a matter of
interpretation of religious law. For instance Rifa’a Al-Tahtawi
discussed the problems of women and society primarily as one of
shedding new light on the meaning of the religious law. In late
19th century Mohamed Abduh furthered Refa’a al-Tahtawi’s
reformist trend and argued that women’s oppression at that time
stemmed from the moral disintegration of Muslim society and
called for a revitalization of Islam that included coming to
term with the inner meaning of Islam. Upon that, for instance,
he called for the abolishment of polygamy. For Abduh and other
Islamic reformers women’s liberation found its justification as
a precondition for the evolvement of a moral modern society (Nashat,
1999).
By the second half of the 19th
century women’s voices came to be heard. Elite educated women
joined the debate with strong arguments for the end of female
seclusion and the expansion of educational opportunities for
women. In this context many scholars mention A’isha Taymor in
their discussion of the evolutionary change in women’s status in
19th century Egypt, while all have highlighted the
same set of biographical facts, they have constructed different
narratives on interpreting its significance to women’s status at
that time. She was a prominent poet and a member of the
Turkish-Egyptian upper class who worked also as a part time
interpreter for the royal family. Some modernist feminists
attribute Aisha Taymor’s openness to the Khediwi’s efforts to
tie Egypt to the modern European world. In response to these
efforts many upper and middle class families were interested in
educating their daughters and hired European and local tutors
for this purpose (Hatem, 1998).
At that time A’isha challenged the
prevailing assumptions that women with employment risk losing
their femininity and becoming masculine. As a young elite
married woman and a mother who also had literary skills, she
undermined many of the old understandings of why women took on
some non-domestic activities. However, A’isha wrote poetry for
pleasure and in exchange for public recognition only (Hatem,
1998).
Upon that, Cole (1981) describes
Egyptian feminism in late nineteenth century Egypt as a
reflection of indigenous transformations related to the
differential impact of Egypt’s integration into the world market
on the upper-middle and lower-middle classes. He argued that
feminism was more ideologically suited to the needs of the
upper-middle classes, as it served to bolster the transition
from the lavish aristocratic lifestyle of the Turkish elite to
the more rationalized ideal of the European bourgeoisie- an
ideal fit for the new agrarian capitalist class (Cole, 1981).
Among the strongest advocates of
the Western and European discourse of feminism is Qasim Amin, an
Egyptian lawyer and jurist who devoted two books to the issue of
women's liberation, Tahrir al-Mar'a (The emancipation of
women, 1899) and Al-Mar'a Al-jedida (The New Woman,
1900). He is frequently identified as the first Egyptian and
Arab feminist (Al-Ali, 2000). He is known for advocating women’s
liberation through education, the removal of the veil, and the
end of women’s seclusion emphasizing the importance of
civilizing women. The rational within which Amin grounded his
argument for changing women's position in the Egyptian society
was his assumption of the inherent superiority of Western
civilization and the inherit backwardness of Muslim societies.
His debates about women’s liberation marked the first battle in
which veil came to comprehend significations far broader than
merely the position of women. Its connotations encompassed
issues of class and culture- the widening gab between the
different classes in society and the interconnected conflict
between the culture of the colonizers and that of the colonized
(Ahmed, 1992).
Ahmed (1992) and Baron (1994)
reexamine Amin’s writings and point out that Qasim Amin’s
support for women’s liberation arose from his wholehearted
embrace of a Western model of development and his desire to
emulate the Western gender system. They suggest that many of
Amin's ideas actually reproduce colonial thinking about women's
status in Muslim societies and contend that his book, Tahrir
Al-Mar'a, mainly calls for the substitution of Islamic-style
male dominated patriarchy by Western-style of male dominance.
In this historical period
the British developed their theories of races, cultures, and
social evolution according to middle-class Victorian England,
beliefs and practices that represented the model of ultimate
civilization. Within this value system the Victorian version of
womanhood was highly recommended and praised as the ideal
measure of a civilized woman. Upon that the colonial feminist
discourse of Islam centered on women interpreting veil and
segregation as oppressing customs, which also perceived to be
the reasons for the general and comprehensive backwardness of
Islamic societies. In this sense veiling, the most visible
marker of Islamic societies, became the symbol of both the
oppression of women and the backwardness of Islam, and hence
became the open target of colonial attack on Muslim societies.
From this perspective the British deployed Western feminism
against Islamic culture in service of colonialism, claiming that
the abandonment of native culture and the adoption of the
Western norms were posed as the solution for women's oppression
only in colonized or dominated societies (Ahmed, 1992). These are some of what Said (1978) calls the
dogmas of Orientalism, and they are the very terms that feminist
scholars like Ong (1994) deploy to describe the intersection
between the colonial discourse and the feminist representation
of non-Western women.
Edward Said (1978) defines the
conceptual framework within which Qasim Amin and other advocates
of the British definition of civilization and being civilized as
“Orientalism” (p.1). Said states that the concept 'Orient' was
almost a European invention that they used to talk about their
colonies in the East-North Africa, Middle East, and Far East.
Upon that he defines Orientalism as a way of coming to terms
with the Orient that is based on the Orient's special place in
the European Western experience. Said also stresses that the
Orient is an integral part of European material and ideological
civilization and culture. He articulates “Orientalism depends
for its strategy on this flexible positional superiority, which
puts the Western in a whole series of possible relations with
the Orient without ever losing its relative upper hand” (p.2).
Abu-Lughod (2001) comments on
Said’s book “Orientalism” stating that the way in which the
Orient has been represented in Europe, through an imaginative
geography that divides East and West, confirms the Western
superiority and justifies European domination of those
negatively portrayed regions known as East. However, Abu-Lughod
is also aware that Orientalism, as Said formulates, is not meant
to be a work of feminist scholarship or theory. Yet she claims
that it has engendered feminist scholarship and debate in Middle
East studies; as it opens up the possibility for others to go
further than Said in exploring the gender and sexuality of
Orientalist discourse itself. Also Orientalism presents a strong
rationale for other historical and anthropological researchers
who seek to go beyond stereotypes of the Muslim or Middle
Eastern woman and gender relations in general.
In the context of the analysis of
the East/West dialect, veil has been represented as a loaded
symbolic marker of cultural identity and women's status in
Muslim world. From this viewpoint, Abu-Lughod (1998) advocates
the argument that colonialism utilized Western feminism to
promote the culture of the colonizers and undermine native
culture in non-Western societies to serve their colonial
ambition. From the Western vantage point, women in the Middle
East are often pitied as the victims of an especially oppressive
culture, generally equated with Islam. Women are also depicted
as bound to the harem, downtrodden and constrained; the ultimate
symbol of their oppression and their consent to inferiority is
the veil. Yet, this picture cannot be reconciled with the
assertive behavior and influential position of women in many
Middle Eastern settings at that time. In Cairo, for instance,
many women managed the household budget, conducted important
marriage arrangements, and coordinated extensive socioeconomic
networks. They were more than deferential partners, playing
effective roles in their homes and wider community and
practicing informal powers (Macleod, 1992; Baron, 1994).
On the other hand, Kandiyoti
(1996) worries about the impact of Said's Orientalism. She
argues that the field of Middle East gender studies has been
negatively affected by the arguments of Orientalism in three
ways: first social analysis has been devalued in favor of
analysis of representations; second the dichotomy of East and
West focuses attention too much on the West and not enough on
the internal heterogeneity of Middle Eastern societies; and,
finally, it has also deflected attention away from "local
institutions and cultural processes that are implicated in the
production of gender hierarchies and in forms of subordination
based on gender" (p. 18). Instead, Kandiyoti argues for the
necessity of internal critique of gendered power in Middle
Eastern societies.
Evolving from Kadiyoti’s argument,
I notice that the discussion of women’s issues in Egypt in the
twentieth century incorporates elements from the nineteenth
century debate about seclusion and the proper level of women's
participation in society outside the home with its connotations
with the European ideology, while also incorporating elements
from the nationalist ideology that started to rise calling for
independence.
Nationalism and Egyptian
feminist movements
In respond to that, for many
Egyptian women in early twentieth century, it was the national
situation that became intolerable and national identity that was
threatened during this period from the British colonization.
Therefore the question of gender inequality was postponed or
considered divisive, and the national issues were seen as the
priority. This was the case even among women activists who
maintained that women could not achieve rights when men do not
have them. Yet women utilized their entry to the public domain
through the nationalist door, to push at the boundaries that
confined them and to begin to challenge cultural, social, and
political norms. Through collective action, women transgressed
these norms, and managed to critique gender relations through
their involvement with nationalism (Fleischmann, 1999).
This discourse echoes Chatterjee’s
(1990) analysis of the Bengaline Nationalist’s discussion of
women’s issues. Chatterjee grounds his analysis on creating a
dichotomy between material/spiritual that represents the
separation between Western/authentic. He claims that the
dichotomy between the outer and the inner is that the material
domain exists in the outside world affecting and conditioning
individuals’ lives, whereas, the spiritual domain lies within
and represents the true genuine aspect of individuals’ lives.
This dichotomy echoes the home/outside world one. While the
material domain is dominated by European concepts and virtues,
the spiritual domain retains its authenticity and genuine
through reserving and perpetuating religious and indigenous
culture norms. Nationalists reinforce the dichotomy between
material/spiritual, public/private to cultivate the material
techniques of modern western civilization while retaining and
strengthening the authentic essence of the national culture. In
this dichotomy women are held responsible for maintaining and
retaining culture where men are responsible for the modern
western public arena (Chatterjee, 1990).
Within this framework nationalism
is perceived as the leading idiom through which issues
pertaining to women's position in society are articulated.
Kandiyoti (1996) argues that there have been persistent tensions
between the modernist trends in nationalism, which favored an
expansion of women's citizenship rights and social equity, and
the authentic nationalists who are concerned about the dilution
and contamination of cultural values and authentic identity.
Therefore, women's stake in nationalism has been both complex
and contradictory. On the one hand, nationalist movements invite
women to participate more fully in collective life by
interpreting them as 'national' actors: mothers, educators,
workers and even fighters. On the other hand, they reaffirm the
boundaries of culturally acceptable feminine conduct and exert
pressure on women to articulate their gender interests within
the terms set by nationalist discourse (Kandiyoti, 1996).
In regard to the Egyptian
nationalist discourse, most scholars mark the evolvement of the
first Egyptian feminist movements in the 20th century
with women’s participation in 1919 revolution. In 1919 women
from all backgrounds participated in street demonstrations
protesting the arrest of nationalist leaders by the British.
Many of those women were killed at the hands of British soldiers
(Nashat, 1999). From this time on, the Egyptian feminist
movement fastened on legal reform early on as central to the
feminist agenda. In addition to their struggle for political
rights and educational opportunities for women, the upper-and
middle-class women of the Egyptian Feminist Union (EFU), led by
Huda Sha'rawi, lobbied for reform of personal status laws,
especially those governing divorce and polygamy in the 1920s and
1930s (Badran, 1995). They claimed that they situated their
argument within the framework of Islamic modernism for reforms
that would preserve the intent of the law and remove what had
come to be legalized oppression of women, including the
institution of restrictions on marriage age, polygamy, and
divorce, and reforms of child custody and inheritance law (Nashat,
1999). Although many of their campaigns to open new educational
and work opportunities to women did bear fruit in the interwar
period, the issue of legal reform proved particularly thorny,
and it took some fifty years for the changes they advocated to
be introduced into Egypt (Badran, 1993).
Huda Sh'rawi's feminism is
politically nationalistic; it opposed British domination in the
sense that the liberal intellectuals of her class and the
upper-middle classes oppose it, rather than opposing the British
and everything Western as extremely expressed by other groups
and parties from popular classes. Broadly, this means that
Sh’rawi’s feminism supported the gradual reform towards total
political emancipation from the British control and toward the
adoption of Western political institutions and a secular
understanding of the state. Culturally and in her feminism, she
contested the act of veiling, that was rapidly vanishing among
women of the upper class, which means that her feminist
discourse is also informed by a Western affiliation and a
westernizing outlook and western ways she perceived to be more
advanced and more civilized than native ways (Ahmed, 1992). In 1923 the leaders of the EFU, upon their
return form an international women’s suffrage conference,
removed their veils in the Cairo train station to dramatize
their projection of this form of seclusion (Badran, 1995).
However, El-Saadawi (1993)
comments on this Egyptian Feminist Union describing it as an
upper class organization that represents the interests of women
from the elite and knows nothing about the condition of working
class women. El-Saadawi’s opinion resembles Sangari’s (1999)
argument,
“Early nationalist historiography
present the public and private as mutually exclusive rather than
jointly formed, but only elite women from the upper and
upper-middle classes who managed to emerge into the public
arena. This ignores the contributions of the majority of women
in the working class who labored outside home for a long time.
(p. 368)
On the other realm, Zeinab Al-Ghazali
and Malak Hifni Nassef reacted against Sh'rawi's feminism and
turned away from it, seeking to forge a feminist path- or a path
of female subjectivity and affirmation- within the terms of
indigenous culture and Islam.
Veiling with modern Islamic
discourse of Egyptian feminism
Malak Hifni Nassef opposed to
unveiling and her opposition was not grounded on the usual
conservative reasons: she neither believed that religion
dictated anything specific on the matter of veil nor that women
who veiled were more modest than women who did not; for her
modesty was not determine by the presence or absence of a veil.
But she based her discussion of veil on observation and
experiences of variety of Egyptian women. Therefore, she pointed
out that women were accustomed to veiling and should not be
suddenly ordered to unveil. Moreover, She articulated that women
who took the decision to unveil were actually women from upper
class who were preoccupied with Western fashion, and were not
motivated in their decision by a desire for liberty or persuaded
to pursuit knowledge (Baron, 1994; Nasif, 1910).
While advocates of Western
feminism as Qasim Amin and Huda Sh’rawi situated their argument
within the European liberal discourse that posited Islam as a
reason for women’s oppression and the backwardness of Muslim
nations. Malak Hifni Nassif devoted her feminist project to
defend Islam and to criticize the blind emulation of the west.
She conceptualized her argument on the statement that Islam is
compatible to modernity (Al-Ali, 2000). Within this framework she advocated women's
education, which she perceived as a way to improve the whole
nation (Ahmed, 1992). For Nasif, girls who were not offered the
opportunity of proper schooling were unjustly deprived from
their basic rights. At the same time, Nasif feared that many of
the benefits that would be obtained from the education of the
girls and could be usefully applied to the home, would be
corrupted by a poor home environment. Therefore, she called for
a dual reform of both the home and female education. Nasif aimed
at making women useful and productive members in the nation as
wives and mothers. However, while Nasif was known for her
advocacy of the Western approach in child rearing, her proposal
for girl’s education included teaching girls proper religion and
teaching household management at both the practical and the
intellectual levels (Shakry, 1998).
In review of AL-Nisa’iyyate,
the femenist, articles published by Malak Hifni Nasif, scholars
highlight the importance of educational reform in Egypt,
especially in the light of the changing social conditions, but
they were also worried about the increased Westernization of
education that Nassif advocated. However, the strength of
Nasif’s approach lay in its foundation in religion and practical
experience and its concern for the benefit of the Egyptian women
(Shakry, 1998).
The 1940s brought a new emphasis
on the responsibility of educated women to reach out to their
sisters in Egypt: the Daughters of the Nile Union, founded by
Doriya Shafiq in 1948, placed great emphasis on the teaching of
literacy and hygiene to poor women, whereas the Egyptian
Feminist Union came to incorporate a left wing that focused on
the organization and concerns of working-class women (Badra,
1993).
In 1950s and 1960s the
revolutionary government that replaced monarchy and gained
independence gave women the right to vote and new opportunities
to receive decent education, health care and equal occupational
opportunities as men. The evolvement of state political
organizations meant the end of EFU and all other organized
feminist groups (Badran, 1993). Women could only organize under the wing of
the state-controlled Arab Socialist Union (Nashat, 1999), which
lead to a major transformation in women’s movements and feminist
discourse in Egypt.
Under the Socialist regime in the
60s Egypt witnessed an increase in women’s incorporation into
the labor market as a result of the expansion women’s education,
yet the majority of the workingwomen choose to be veiled.
Scholars interpreted this to be limiting of women's role in
public life, and women were marginalized in all social,
economic, and political organizations (Karmi, 1993).
However, this move toward veiling
in the 60s must also be located within particular contexts of
class. In Egypt wearing veil marked class as it evolved from an
urban, largely middle-class protest movement into a much broader
phenomenon where working women of lower-middle classes adopted
this dress, as did some rural village girls who found it a
respectable way to distinguish themselves from other,
less-educated rural women who wear traditional dress that is
equally modest but tarred by its association with the
limitations of village life (Tucker, 1999).
In other words, I can say that
Muslim women deployed veil to represent themselves as autonomous
social agents which brings me to the last part of my discussion.
Veiling and women’s self
representation
Muslim women according to the
Qor'an should cover themselves modestly. The Qor'an itself
discuss veiling in general terms and does not establish the
limits and details of women's covering. The assumption that a
woman's garment should cover all but her face and hands and be
loose fitting enough to conceal her figure is only an
interpretation of the Qor'an. From the point of view of Islam,
the function of clothing in general for both men and women is
not to display the body, but to conceal it and to reduce sexual
enticement (Milani, 1992).
Islam
demands that its followers live modest and protected lives. It
has also instructed the believers to separate out their private
domain, and the women who live therein from the world. A curtain
of modesty, veil, parts both the women themselves and their
spaces, and protects them from the immodest gaze of men. Those
who see Islam as a centrally oppressive ideology to women also
denounce the veil, since it is only women who are protected by
it or required to wear it. But the supporters of Islam argue
that, far from being a symbol of oppression, the veil is
liberating and empowering. The revivalists stress the advantages
gained by covering the body of women and thus preventing them
from becoming objectified as sex symbols. They stress that by
wearing the veil women reclaim the right to become people,
rather than being just sex objects. The veil bestows honor,
dignity and respect to women, eradicating pornography and
blatant violence directed at women and offers them protection (Afshar,
1993).
In Egypt the wearing of veil
secured women’s participation in the public domain while
affirming their consent to the Islamic social and ethical
costumes (Tucker, 1999). With the adoption of veil Egyptian women
proclaim that their place is not home, but on the contrary, a
veil legitimizes their presence outside it, which affirms
women’s autonomy (Ahmed, 1992).
Finally I like to synthesize my
argument stating that through out the different Egyptian
feminist discourses of women’s status in late 19th
and through out the 20th century the veil has emerged
as a symbol of rejecting the West. However, and ironically, it
is the feminist Western discourse of domination that determined
the meaning of veil in Egyptian feminists discourses and set the
terms of its emergence as a symbol of resistance. Furthermore,
the notion of returning to the origin, Islam, and to
authenticity, indigenous culture, is also a response to the
discourse of colonialism and the colonial attempts to undermine
Islam and Arab culture and replace them with Western practices
and beliefs. On the individual level veil symbolizes women’s
autonomy as it secures their emergence into the masculine domain
while retaining their Islamic identity.
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Reference citation:
El-Halawany,
H. (2002 Fourth Quarter). Women’s
Education in the different Egyptian feminist discourses of veil
in late 19th and through the 20th century.
In
Focus Journal, Open Forum,
Retrieved Month day, year, from
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